The Government was elected on a manifesto ambition to deliver 1.5m homes in England in the parliament, equivalent to 300,000 homes a year for five years, a rate significantly greater than has been achieved in recent decades. But it begins this task from an inauspicious starting point, with current local plan requirements aggregating to just 230,000, the HDT benchmarks at 259,000 and recent permissions running at just 233,000 per annum (equivalent to build out at circa 175,000 once one accounts for lapse rates)[1]. The OBR March 2024 economic and fiscal outlook[2] forecast net completions falling to 188,000 in 2026 before rising to 220,000 in 2029, and delivering just 1,014,000 over the five year period, almost half a million short of the Government’s ambition. Some are more pessimistic than that about short term delivery.
Housing supply is not simply a function of the planning system, but there is a very strong correlation between what the planning system seeks to achieve by way of local planning targets and what is built. This is because LPAs will tend to ration the flow of permissions for housing to a level consistent with what is necessary to maintain a five-year land supply against their local requirement (witness Wiltshire Council's decision in April 2024 to reverse its previous decision to approve schemes when its land supply requirement dropped from five to four years, under the terms of para 226 of the December 2023 NPPF).
LPAs might resist proposals for housing in their area (often successfully) if they are not deemed necessary in order for an area to meet its local target, because the benefits of extra housing supply might be perceived as less and thus outweighed by harms, when it comes to applying the ‘tilted balance’. For a number of other, more land-constrained areas, delivery is in effect restricted to the capacity of that area – even when the target is set at a higher level, with London being a good example. This is why a national target, say of 300,000 homes a year, will not be met if this does not translate to deliverable local targets.
The draft NPPF and proposed changes to the Standard Method for local housing need – both out for consultation – seek to boost housing delivery by, inter alia:
Changing the formula for local housing so that in aggregate, areas need to plan with the aim of achieving 370,000 homes a year, nationally;
Requiring LPAs to maintain a five year land supply, without which the presumption in favour of sustainable development applies;
Changing Green Belt policy so that:
areas must review Green Belt in their Local Plans and, where justified, release land in order to meet housing need; and also
‘provide opportunities for so-called ‘Grey Belt’ land to be developed ahead of a local plan by way of planning application;
Strengthening the strategic planning approach such that one might expect a greater amount of unmet need from constrained areas to be provided for in neighbouring areas; and
Requiring that proposals for housing on previously developed land should be regarded as acceptable in principle.
In general terms, these measures place strong upward pressure on the planning system’s approach to supporting the delivery of new homes. However, the question is whether they go far enough in light of:
The inevitable lag period in which any planning decisions in support of new homes (in the form of allocations or permissions) would be unlikely to achieve real world housing completions for a period of at least 2-3 years[3], meaning that in the short term, delivery is largely a function of the inherited planning pipeline and economic conditions; and
The Government’s proposals for transitional arrangements on local plans in which:
areas with adopted Local Plans at the time of the adoption of the NPPF would continue to apply their pre-NPPF housing requirements for five year land supply purposes for five years from the date the plan was adopted; and
areas that submit a Local Plan for examination within a month of the publication of the NPPF will see whatever housing target emerges in that plan once adopted as the basis for its housing trajectory and five year land supply for up to five years, depending on when a replacement plan is adopted, with the pace of the new plan partly dependent on whether or not the emerging plan is within 200 homes of the proposed new Standard Method.
A number of LPAs stand to have existing/emerging Local Plans fall within the proposed terms of the transitional arrangements, and this means that their local housing requirement will be lower than it might otherwise have been had they prepared their plan under the terms of the proposed new NPPF[4]. Although those falling more than 200 homes below the proposed Standard Method would be expected to prepare a plan under the new plan making system at the earliest opportunity, this is unlikely to begin at least until 2026 and will not lead to adoption of that plan before 2029, even based on a 30+4 month timescale.
What does the combination of the above mean in terms of the practical local plan targets that will likely apply for five-year land supply purposes over the next ten years and what might this in turn mean for net housing additions over that period?
To explore this, in work prepared pursuant to an instruction from the Home Builders Federation (HBF) and the Land, Planning and Development Federation (LPDF), we have generated a model to explore the potential trajectory of planned housing targets (in terms of the annual rate that would apply for five year land supply purposes), and housing delivery associated with that. We explain the broad approach before presenting the results, followed by some recommendations.
Approach
As with any modelled approach, it is necessarily a function of the assumptions applied about what might happen in the future and thus it illustrates a concept rather than representing a precise forecast. The implications would depend on what individual LPAs might do and precise duty to cooperate and other discussions. We have adopted a proportionate but consistent approach at a national level, applied to every England LPA area based on its context, local plan status, past housing delivery, and standard method housing number. The approach is as follows:
We have categorised every LPA as being either:
‘Constrained’ where housing delivery is largely a function of the capacity of the area, based on past rates of net housing completions, but with an increase of 13% based on the impact of the proposed change to para 122 (c) on publication of the new NPPF and a further increase of 13% on adoption of a new Local Plan. This uplift is based on the analysis in the January 2024 London Plan Review of the impact of the 2012 NPPF presumption in favour of sustainable development. In general terms, our assessment assumes a constrained LPA has a ‘cap’ on its realistic ability to meet the new standard method in the current operating environment and thus will be a generator of ‘unmet’ need.
‘Receiver’ authorities where in principle they have the ability to meet their Standard Method housing need and accommodate unmet need from ‘constrained’ LPAs.
All LPAs have been grouped into sub-regions that are a best fit for existing or possible future sub-regional strategic planning areas.
We have identified the Local Plan housing requirement for each LPA where this is from a Strategic Policy in a Local Plan adopted within the past five years. We have assumed this number applies for five year land supply purposes until it is five years old, whereupon the proposed new Standard Method figure applies[5].
We have identified the LPAs that have, or are identified as being likely to, submit a Local Plan for Examination before January 2025 (based on the assumption that the NPPF is adopted December 2024) and are thus likely to benefit from the transitional arrangements. We have assumed that Local Plans are found sound and adopted with the same housing requirement as when the plan was submitted, although clearly this might change depending on the process of the Examination.
We have identified when a new Local Plan would be put in place for every ‘receiver’ area and then applied a housing target for that plan that:
Meets its own Local Housing Need (based on the new standard method);
Makes a contribution to meeting unmet need from ‘constrained’ LPAs within its sub-regional strategic planning area. We have taken assumed that ‘receiver’ LPAs would meet a proportion of the unmet need for the sub-regional strategic planning area equivalent to their contribution to the overall Standard Method housing need for the area. By way of an example, Shropshire’s Standard Method housing need of 2,059 makes up 20% of the total target for the Western Midlands (Stoke, Stafford, Shropshire & Worcestershire) sub-regional strategic planning area. Therefore, Shropshire is allocated a further 20% of the 750 dpa unmet need for Western Midlands (equivalent to 154 dpa), giving a total housing target of 2,213 dpa. In most strategic planning areas, unmet need is mopped up, but some areas (with fewer 'receivers') fall short.
For assessing actual forecast housing delivery, we have:
Assumed that the OBR March 2024 Economic and Fiscal Outlook assumption applies for the period 2024-2027 on the basis that what is to be built in those areas will largely be a function of what already has/or will shortly receive a permission and the underlying economic circumstances that apply. Some might say this forecast is itself optimistic so it therefore in our view captures the possible benefits of short term Government measures, for example on funding, social housing, or tackling problems like water or nutrient neutrality.
For the period from 2028 onwards, we link the delivery of homes by i) for 'constrained' LPAs, to their past rate of delivery plus the 13% uplift to account for para 122 (c) and a further increase of 13% on adoption of a new Local Plan that we assume brings forward additional sites/capacity; and ii) for 'receiver' LPAs, to their planned housing target from the period three years prior, with an assumption that delivery runs at an average of 92% of the target, based on how current delivery relates to the Housing Delivery Test benchmarks.
We then look at what this means for total planned targets and for housing delivery for the first five-year period of the new NPPF (assuming adoption from December 2024) and for the second five year period (years 6-10). We then identify the difference between the planned target based on with the transition period and without it.
Analysis
The individual regional trajectories for progress towards the new Standard Method for local housing need by region are illustrated in Figure 1. In Figure 2, the totals are presented across the first five years of the new NPPF, alongside Local Plan housing targets and a forecast of housing delivery.
Whilst a number of LPAs would immediately take on the new Standard Method figures for decision taking (through out-of-date plans and a lack of five-year housing land supply), a notable proportion would continue to operate under lower housing need figures. This would include the circa 30% of LPAs with a Local Plan adopted within the past five years alongside around 50 LPAs that could expect to benefit from the transitional arrangements set out at Annex 1 of the draft NPPF. The new standard method and its 370,000 annual target therefore remains an elusive prospect, particularly over the first five years of the new NPPF where both Local Plan requirements and forecast housing delivery cumulatively fall short of the national annual target by 370,000 and 730,000, respectively over the five year period to 2029.
Figure 1 - Regional Housing Target Trajectories
This is particularly stark in London, which history shows as being constrained and persistently delivering around 30-40,000 homes a year, and for various reasons (such as those identified in the London Plan Review[6]) is likely to continue under-shooting its housing delivery for the foreseeable future, resulting in a cumulative Local Plan target of just over 200,000 over the first five years, around half of the 400,000 target under the Standard Method. By contrast, in the context of the applied methodology, the North East does not have any constrained LPAs, and Yorkshire has just two. As a consequence, these regions are considered to have a far greater immediate capacity to meet the new standard method, albeit this will not be achieved immediately as up-to-date Local Plans and transitional arrangements lock-in ‘old-style’ housing need figures.
Given the inherent lag between the adoption of a Local Plan housing target, preparation, submission and determination of a planning application, discharge of all relevant conditions and reserved matters and construction, it is to be expected that the delivery of new housing over years 1-5 is then forecast to fall short of housing need identified through the Standard Method, providing just over 1,130,000 new homes between 2025 and 2029.
This equates to 60% of the standard method and averages out at 226,000 dwellings per annum. This is moderately above the 'business as usual' scenario we identify from the OBR’s March 2024 forecast (albeit to a different build-out profile) and flows from the uplift taking effect in the final two years of the period.
Figure 2 - Housing shortfall (2025-2029)
Figure 3 - Housing shortfall (2029-2034)
A more positive picture is seen across the second five years of the new NPPF (see Figure 3). With the exception of London and its assumed ongoing constraints, all other regions are estimated to more or less reach the housing targets set by the Standard Method.
These higher housing targets result in a corresponding uplift in housing delivery which is forecast to rise to 1.6m between 2030 and 2034: a notable improvement on past levels, but still 20% short of housing need under the proposed Standard Method.
The implications of LPAs continuing to plan for less than their local housing need identified through the Standard Method is set out at Figure 4, which shows a cumulative shortfall of 370,000 homes by 2029 between Local Plan targets and the Standard Method housing need, growing to 615,000 by 2034.
Figure 4 - Local Plan target shortfall against Standard Method
Whilst a proportion of the shortfall is partly a result of LPAs with existing up-to-date Local Plans, there are also a significant number of LPAs where submission of a plan under the current NPPF with the proposed transitional arrangements would delay the preparation and adoption of a new plan that aims to address the new housing need figures, including unmet need[7].
The transition 'opportunity' has led to a rush of LPAs announcing early consultations and condensed timeframes in an apparent effort to defer the increase in housing numbers. A list of LPAs that have submitted or published an emerging Local Plan that would benefit from the transitional arrangements or have announced that they intend to submit or publish their Local Plan prior to the implementation of the new NPPF is provided at Appendix 1.
In light of the Minister of State’s instruction[8] that PINS should no longer follow a doctrine of ‘pragmatism’ (whereby Local Plans at Examination would be prolonged - sometimes interminably - to allow for updates and additional evidence, rather than being found unsound), it is possible that a number of these emerging Local Plans may be withdrawn or found unsound. We have nonetheless assumed for our assessment that the LPAs have submitted a plan they consider to be sound and that they will progress. This is a prudent assumption for our assessment, given that progressing a plan that is ultimately not adopted will still delay the practical impact of the new Standard Method housing need in terms of realistic applications in the short term.
Compared to a scenario without any transitional arrangements (i.e. if the NPPF and Standard Method applied immediately), the proposals in the draft NPPF would directly result in a shortfall of over 70,000 homes being planned for, with the majority of this undersupply falling within the first five years of the new NPPF. There is a lag effect in terms of build out from submission of applications, but within the first five years to end of 2029, this would lead to around 35,000 fewer homes being built in the final two years (equivalent to 15-20,000 per year in years four and five) than if the transitional arrangements were removed.
Notably, this shortfall is not just a result of individual LPAs progressing Local Plans that fall short of their own housing need as identified by the Standard Method. Significantly, a number of ‘receiver’ LPAs are those that would likely need to address not only their own housing needs but also increased amounts of unmet housing need from constrained LPAs in their sub-region through the duty to cooperate (or future strategic planning mechanisms). By progressing now under the transition arrangements, they will 'lock-in' to their lower housing targets and extend the period before that unmet need is addressed.
Even if these submitted plans are subsequently found unsound or have to be withdrawn, or the LPA is required to begin progressing a new Local Plan under the new plan making system, the transitional arrangements would delay the adoption of a new plan until at least 2029, compounding the identified shortfall. This is in the context that we do not yet know how the new plan making arrangements will apply in practice and what "at the earliest opportunity" in para 227 means in practice.
Figure 5 - Local Plan target shortfall under Transitional Arrangements
Summary and conclusions
The proposed NPPF in combination with changes to the Standard Method puts in place a positive platform for boosting annual housing delivery to 300,000 net additions and beyond. However, the analysis shows that the number of homes that will realistically be delivered will be subdued for at least the next few years. The causes lie in multiple factors, including the difficult planning legacy of the period from 2020 leading up to the December 2023 NPPF, ongoing issues around nutrient and water neutrality, Registered Provider capacity for affordable homes, and the challenging economic circumstances impacting on demand.
This places a heavy burden on the later years of the five-year period commencing 2025 to boost housing supply to address the inevitable backlog that arises (from the Government’s goal of 1.5m homes within the Parliament. But the lead-in times mean that planning for that post-2028 boost needs to happen immediately. Figure 6 below presents a forecast of likely targets and housing delivery based on the current NPPF and its transitional arrangements, applied based on the status of Local Plans.
Figure 6 - Overview of forecast Local Plan targets against Standard Method and Housing Delivery
Our modelled assessment, based on a set of assumptions applied to every LPA, identifies that:
Constraints to supply in some LPAs, and especially in London, means that the long term ‘run-rate’ for planned housing targets and its delivery could sensibly reach over 300,000 per annum in the medium term. This is to large extent achieved by virtue of boosts to delivery in areas current constrained by Green Belt. In the context of the past few decades, and the circumstances as they are today, this would still be a positive achievement.
However, the transitional arrangements proposed – in which five year land supply and application of the tilted balance in many areas will be determined by current adopted or emerging local plans – act against the Government’s stated objective and will limit the immediate boost in flow of permissions that is necessary to significantly increase delivery within years 4-5.
Compared to a situation where there are no transitional arrangements in the NPPF, and the new Standard Method applies immediately in all LPAs, the impact of the transition equates to 70,000 fewer homes being planned for in years 1-5. The transitional arrangements have a ‘double whammy’ impact:
Where an LPA has a plan set at lower than the new Standard Method, it bakes in that lower target for five-year land supply purposes until that plan is replaced by a new NPPF-compliant plan, and for those areas that have or will submit a Local Plan before the new NPPF applies, that is unlikely before 2029, if at all.
Where the LPA is a ‘receiver’ in an area likely to face taking on-unmet need from constrained LPAs, the transitional arrangements are likely to result in the unmet need remaining unaddressed ahead of the new post-NPPF local plan coming into play from 2029 or later. The 200-home threshold for emerging Local Plans ignores the presence of unmet need within a local area, meaning that some areas pressing ahead with plans close to their own standard method, but without engaging with higher levels of unmet need in their sub-region, will not need to address it before new Strategic Plans might emerge, which even if all runs smoothly is likely towards the end of this decade in areas outside the existing Mayoral/Combined Authorities.
If further LPAs bring forward Local Plans and/or the publication of the NPPF extends into 2025 (unlikely, but one never knows), the effect of the transition will worsen.
Recommendations
In broad terms, we do not see a strong case for the proposed transitional arrangements if the Government’s aim is to genuinely boost housing supply towards the 1.5m home goal within years 1-5. In some cases, LPAs that would benefit from the transitional arrangements are only in that position because they are running some years behind schedule (having delayed their plans following the December 2022 NPPF consultation) and/or have suddenly accelerated production in the immediate aftermath of seeing the proposed NPPF and Standard Method that would increase the housing need pressure on their area.
There might be said to be a 'moral hazard' in protecting those LPAs from the consequences of their delay in these circumstances. Equally, one needs to be careful not to ‘throw the baby out with the bathwater’ in that some of the local plans (however late they are) will be allocating new sites to support housing delivery, and particularly for larger-scale allocations, one might not otherwise see those proposals emerge through applications running ahead of the local plan[9].
There appear to be three options:
Maintain the current proposed transitional arrangements: based on our assessment, this would appear likely to undermine the Government’s ambitions to boost supply. But were transitional arrangements kept, it would still be necessary to give a cut-off period for a plan submitted under the transitional arrangements to be adopted, otherwise it risks an LPA ‘gaming’ the system to draw out the period of examination and adoption to extend the period in which lower housing requirements apply. The Government may wish to consider alternative thresholds based on a percentage of total housing in an LPA rather than a flat-rate of 200 dpa, which can equate to a significant proportion of overall need for smaller LPAs. Overall, though, we consider sticking with the draft proposals is least consistent with the Government's stated objective.
Remove all transitional arrangements: this would mean that immediately on adoption of the new NPPF:
Any plan that was at Examination ahead of adoption or receipt of the Inspector’s Report would need to be examined against the new NPPF and Standard Method. Some Local Plans might well be in a position to be modified to accommodate higher housing targets (their own or neighbours), but others might find themselves having to be withdrawn because the proposed changes cannot be addressed within six months (pursuant to the Minister of State’s instruction to PINS on 'pragmatism' referred to above). This might lead to otherwise welcome housing allocations – including in areas of Green Belt – falling away. This latter risk could be mitigated by providing in the NPPF for draft allocations in emerging Local Plans that have been through Reg 19 to carry some weight in favour of development being granted permission were planning applications for those sites submitted ahead of a fresh local plan being prepared; and
Irrespective of when an existing or emerging Local Plan was adopted, the five-year housing land supply for an LPA should be immediately based on the new Standard Method figure, not the adopted requirement figure, until a new NPPF-compliant Local Plan was in place;
Hybrid transitional arrangements: this would provide for emerging Local Plans to proceed as submitted in order that emerging housing allocations and policies are given the chance to proceed in a sound plan, but any existing or emerging strategic plan examined before the new NPPF would not set the housing requirement for five year land supply purposes unless it was higher than the new figure for that LPA in the new Standard Method and would in any event be subject to immediate review.
None of these would directly address the problem that, ahead of a strategic plan or the duty to cooperate applying to new Local Plans (which are unlikely to be in place at least before 2029), the unmet housing need arising from the Standard Method (and the fact some areas face constraints) will likely remain unaddressed (falling between the cracks). The Government could seek to resolve this to some extent in the short term by a further change:
Within twelve months, use a Statement of Ministerial Policy to identify a series of strategic planning areas (based on Mayoral/Combined Authorities and other logical geographies, including emerging devolution deals) where the Government considers unmet development need is likely to be significant and either:
prescribe quickly within those areas a preliminary estimate of how unmet need should be distributed for five-year land supply purposes as an adjustment to the Standard Method, pending a formal distribution through the eventual strategic plan; or
identify that within the strategic planning area, it should be assumed that there is no five-year land supply in any LPA ahead of a strategic plan setting the distribution.
Appendix 1 LPAs falling under Transitional Arrangements
[4] See the examples as reported in Planning Resource here and here (£)
[5] We have not modelled the individual backlog position on 5YHLS based on adopted Local Plans and assume the annual requirement applies for each year.
[7] Which, under the new NPPF, all falls to be addressed via the duty to cooperate, compared to the current NPPF where the 35% urban uplift does not need to be addressed in neighbouring LPAs if it cannot be met within the urban area.
[8] See letter to Chief Executive of the Planning Inspectorate here
[9] That is not the case with all plans. A number claim to be able to already demonstrate a five year land supply even without their Local Plan. Their new Local Plans are therefore more focused on addressing need for years 6-10 and 11-15 of their period.
The consultation on the draft NPPF has reignited the debate on land value capture through planning insofar as it relates to development that occurs on land that was (or is) designated as Green Belt.
The government proposes that the ‘golden rules’ should apply, which include requiring 50% of homes on site to be affordable[1] and then proposes three options for approaching viability.
First of these is that the Government should “set indicative benchmark land values [BLV] for land released from the Green Belt to inform the policies developed on BLV by LPAs” to be set at a “fair level” allowing for what Annex 4 of the draft NPPF describes as a “reasonable and proportionate premium for the landowner”. The consultation refers to BLVs currently being set at a range of 10-40 times Existing Use Value (EUV) and notes a suggestion it could be reduced to three times EUV. The consultation states it is “particularly interest in the impact of setting BLV at the lower end of this spectrum”
The two other options it sets out (preventing viability negotiation on planning obligations if the price paid has exceeded the nationally-set BLV, and late-stage reviews to secure additional contributions to achieve policy compliance) are to all intent and purposes already part of national policy and guidance[2].
So it is the suggested combination of 50% affordable housing as a standard and a nationally-defined BLV at the lower end of the spectrum that is significant.
The Government’s new policy agenda recognises that release of Green Belt land will be necessary to meet development needs, and in our view, Green Belt land for an extra 75,000-100,000 homes a year could well be needed. In due course, local plans will properly be the vehicle for achieving this (in which landowners and developers will engage with LPA land availability studies) but in the short term[3], the Government’s ambitions for 1.5m homes (or coming anywhere close) largely depends on willing landowners agreeing with developers to invest in promotion of Green Belt land for housing via speculative applications[4] which may or may not be welcomed by the relevant LPA and thus risk incurring the extra costs of a s.78 appeal.
It goes without saying that 50% affordable housing is more than is judged viable in almost all local plans[5], and there are significant differences in values across the country (see Figure 1 below). In general terms, it is unlikely that 50% affordable housing will be viable in areas where residential values are below £4,000 per square metre. These represent 59% of the Green Belt, meaning that this national target will require viability assessment for pretty well any Green Belt development proposal coming forward in those areas (see Table 1). In the 41% of Green Belt where values are above £4,000 per square metre, there may still be other infrastructure obligations which render 50% affordable housing unviable.
Table 1: Area of Green Belt by residential values per square metre
Source: Property Data / Lichfields analysis
Figure 1: Residential values per square metre and the Green Belt
Source: Property Data / Lichfields analysis
So, in stretching affordable housing requirements for Green Belt but also achieving the necessary increase in supply of housing, it is critical that Government calibrates its efforts so that development remains viable, and that landowners, investors and developers are encouraged to bring forward projects for development.
The Government's tentative suggestion to reduce BLVs on a national basis speaks to a view - which appears on a recurring basis in certain policy circles (and seemingly not always fully cognisant of the reforms to viability introduced by the PPG in 2019) - that there remains large amounts of untapped value in the increase in land value arising from permission.
But all that glitters may not be gold. If the real world effect (albeit unintended) is to see less development coming forward, would this proposal represent a planning form of iron pyrite?
What should influence an appropriate BLV?
Much of the debate over the level of BLV is dominated by the question of:
how much premium above EUV is necessary to “reflect the minimum return at which it is considered a reasonable landowner would be willing to sell their land”[7].
That is indeed important, but it is not the only consideration. As noted by Knight Frank[8], also relevant is how the BLV relates to two important steps in the planning and development process, namely:
The uplift necessary to secure the investment in land promotion (converting its EUV to its BLV through the securing of planning permission[9]); and
Funding up-front infrastructure/servicing of plots for housebuilding.
Each of the three factors is considered in turn.
A. Motivating a willing landowner to sell their land
The 2012 Harman Review[10] identified several considerations involved in setting a BLV that would be sufficient to motivate landowners to make their land available for development:
The appropriate premium above current use value should be determined locally. If the value does not reflect local discussions and conditions and cover all relevant costs, including tax and fees, there is an increased risk that land will not be released. The premium should consider the key landowners in the area, as those with longer-term investment horizons may require a higher premium than those more inclined to sell.
Non-urban sites and urban extensions are more complex, as landowners are typically not distressed sellers and may have longer-term perspectives on land disposal, potentially making a once-in-a-lifetime decision over an asset that may have been in the family, trust or institution’s ownership for many generations. Large greenfield sites often demand significantly higher premiums due to the long-term nature of landownership and the significant implications of selling.
For smaller, edge-of-settlement greenfield sites, landowner expectations may be higher than larger greenfield sites (and more in line with urban areas) because landowners will have in mind the prospect of securing a beneficial permission at some point in the future.
The Harman Review assessment goes to what is apparent to anyone who has tried to secure an option or promotion agreement on land for development: owners are generally highly reluctant to dispose of assets they have often owned for a long time, and from which they derive their income and in many cases, their whole way of life.
The review of BLVs by Lichfields cited by the Government’s consultation[11] did identify a range of 10-40 times EUV in various viability studies, but the amounts varied both within and between local areas, and – importantly – between sizes and types of site. In 52% of studies, the BLV for greenfield land sat within a range of 15 to 20 times EUV. For smaller sites, it is common for smaller sites to use an EUV plus a fixed amount of, say, £0.5m per hectare. The expectations of a landowner will also be clearly influenced by their view of how much development land is worth taking into account local property values, including those of alternative uses for which the site might be developed.
The three times EUV reference is drawn from work by Professor Glen Bramley[12] in which he floats the idea of a much-reduced uplift in these terms:
“It may well be that prices at that level [15 times EUV] are needed to persuade long term (and other) landowners to sell, although some of the surprisingly large figure for greenfield land may go into the process of getting sites into or through the planning system. It is clearly way in excess of what a working farmer would need to move to a different farm. I would hope and expect that an incoming Government would change expectations clearly in this respect, certainly for greenfield land, so in my version I have reduced the mark-up from 15 times to 3 times. This may be an area for further discussion, as we do not want the supply of sites to dry up.”
The last point flagged by Professor Bramley is clearly the million dollar (per hectare?) question. The Government’s consultation paper suggests that Green Belt has been subject to “severe restrictions on development” and that this must logically dampen landowner expectations compared to other greenfield land. But in fact, there has been a steady flow of development on land that is or was Green Belt over past decades, either justified by ‘exceptional circumstances’ through local plans or, less commonly, applications via ‘Very Special Circumstances’: MHCLG figures show that since 2013, between 2,000 and 4,000 hectares of Green Belt land have been developed each year[13]. Landowners with sites on urban edges in sustainable locations in areas with high housing need will have in mind that – with national policy that waxes and wanes - there is a reasonable prospect over a period of decades that their land might be developed just as with any other land.
But in any event, as reluctant sellers, it is about landowners receiving an amount that makes this ‘once only’ transaction worthwhile from their perspective.
An element in this respect is the prospect of an alternative use; some sites will be suitable for release for commercial uses, such as logistics or data centres, and if the equivalent 'golden rules' for these other uses draw down less of the development value than the 50% affordable housing equivalent, leaving a higher residual land value, it could make it more likely that landowners on possible residential sites hold out for what they might expect to achieve from that alternative use.
The final factor is of course that the BLV amount needs to reflect that an uplift in land value received by the landowner will be subject to capital gains tax (currently 24%, but more if this were increased, as speculated, to 45%[14]). Ahead of this, there are also promotion/planning costs to be deducted. This takes us to the next element of the BLV.
B. Investment in land promotion
Moving a site from EUV to its BLV typically requires investment in planning: securing an allocation in a Local Plan and an implementable outline permission. This is necessary to establish the principle and broad scale of the site’s residential development potential.
This does not happen automatically, for a host of reasons that include those related to the need for local plans to present a range of options before selecting sites, as we discussed here. And the costs – whilst varying depending on circumstances - can be significant:
Research has found the costs of evidence to support an outline application for SME builders is now estimated at £125,000 plus application fees[15];
Henley Business School at the University of Reading presented a case study of a 2,000 home scheme with promotion costs of £1.5-2m[16];
The North Essex Garden Communities SPV reportedly spent £6.8m to promote its three sites through the Local Plan, of which only one was eventually allocated[17]. This excludes any planning application costs;
The CMA found the direct costs associated with making planning applications can range from around £100,000 per application to around £900,000 per application depending on the size of a site[18]; and
If taken to appeal, the costs of an inquiry can easily reach £200,000-500,000[19].
Knight Frank estimate a cost of £25,000 - £40,000 per gross acre to promote new settlements[20], and in our experience this is comparable with other large sites.
Presently, LPAs rely on the private sector (landowners, housebuilders or specialist promoters) to assist in plan making by putting forward sites for consideration and provide the evidence necessary to satisfy the plan maker (and in due course examining Inspector) that the sites are suitable and meet the relevant NPPF tests. There is limited appetite or capacity in the public sector to promote multiple sites through their own local plans and no plans to nationalise land promotion[21]. Even were there such ambitions, they would be costly and take several years to mobilise.
For planning applications that run ahead of the local plan on unallocated land (i.e. speculatively), it is self-evidently reliant on the landowner or a private sector promoter acting on its behalf to drive that process by investing in the preparation, submission and negotiation of planning permission (with all the risks involved, notably of not succeeding).
Taking the risk on a planning application is critical if the Government is to come close to its 1.5m homes ambition, reversing the shrinkage in the housing pipeline that has emerged in recent years, compounded by the lack of up to date local plans[22].
The University of Reading described the role of land promoters thus:
Specialist land promoters can be viewed as market intermediaries with relatively high appetites for and tolerance of planning risk. In order to operate effectively in the strategic land market, they will also usually have access to the resources and resilience to absorb and manage such risk. For some landowners, land promoters are essentially land venture capitalists. Given the site-specific nature of planning risk, the ability of large land promoters to promote and consequently to diversify across a number of sites, provides a source of competitive advantage.
Having the ‘resources and resilience’ means receiving a sufficient return on their investment which they will secure from what is typically their share that is reported as 10-15% of the proceeds of the land sale. Given the time taken (measured in many years), that large costs are often incurred early in the process, and that not all land promotions will be successful, the promoter (be that a housebuilder, landowner or specialist promoter) will typically require a significant return on investment which Knight Frank report as being five times the costs incurred. The BLV will thus need to be set to provide a sufficient return to achieve this, whilst still leaving sufficient value for the landowner after capital gains tax. Without this, there would be no business case to support the investment in that activity or persuade the landowner to make their land available in the first place.
To this it might be said that in due course a more streamlined planning system and positive policy environment will increase certainty, reduce the costs, and reduce the rate of return required by promoters. However, that is an unproven hypothesis, and its impacts (if successful) are in the medium to long term. In the short term, the Government's housing ambitions require these organisations - and their funders - to invest now to bring forward land.
C. Funding up-front infrastructure/servicing of plots for housebuilding
The third element is that, once the principle of development is established through a planning permission, it is necessary to invest in up-front infrastructure and servicing the land for development. The Knight Frank analysis[24] refers to research on up-front infrastructure on large new settlement schemes of between £40,000 - £63,000 per plot and viability studies for local plans typically refer to costs of £5,000 to £25,000 per plot, with others providing equivalent figures per gross or net hectare. Obviously, on larger sites, the up-front infrastructure can be split into phases, but the amounts will vary significantly. The key challenge is that the works that are required before sufficient income is generated from house sales will need working capital through some form of loan facility where the residual value of the land with permission acts as security collateral, probably at no more than a 60% Loan to Value (LTV). The Knight Frank analysis identifies on its new settlement case study that the initial debt-funding requirement amounted to around one fifth of the total enabling infrastructure cost.
The alternative, of course, is for more significant up-front state funding of infrastructure, but this will in any event be needed on sites with large abnormal costs and there is no sense at all that the state has the resource to front-fund all residential development sites.
Drawing it all together, what does this mean for BLVs that support delivery of new homes?
In simple terms, the value of the land sufficient to support delivery of new homes needs to be the minimum of what is necessary to satisfy the three factors.
Every site will be different, but setting a BLV for viability purposes in the planning system needs to be resilient to different circumstances, such that sufficient deliverable land is brought forward. To illustrate what this means, in a simple modelling exercise we have identified a range of different BLV estimates based on what factor is seen to drive the land value required:
Identified four notional typologies of sites with gross areas of 1, 5, 10 and 50 hectares;
Derived net developable areas based on typical site ratios ranging from 0.4 (for sites of 50+ha) to 0.9 (for sites of one hectare) to which is applied a density of 40 dw/ha. This reflects that sites need to accommodate landscape/open space/bio-diversity net gain and infrastructure.
Developed two bookend scenarios (high and low) for applying our various assumptions;
Assumed promotion costs per hectare of £75,000 to £100,000 for a site of one hectare, ratcheting down to 60% of those costs per gross hectare as site sizes increase up to 50 hectares, with a rate of return for the promoter of between four and five times that cost. We then identified the necessary BLV to support that return if it were 40% of the total increase in land value achieved (and 50% for the small site of one hectare) albeit in many promotion agreements what is assumed is 10-15% of the uplift (which would necessitate an even higher uplift);
Applied bookends for what a willing landowner would require to motivate them to sell their site to between 10 and 20 times EUV for sites of 5, 10 and 50 hectares, with a EUV+£500,000 for a site of one hectare;
Applied a capital gains tax rate of 24% to the uplift in land value for each of the 'willing landowner' bookends after deducting 15% for the land promotion return to identify the net return to the landowner and then identified what the BLV would need to be for the landowner to achieve the same return if CGT applied at 45%.
Assumed that up-front costs per plot (not total infrastructure costs per plot) to service land of between £2,500 and £5,000 for sites of one hectare increasing in stages to between £10,000 and £20,000 per plot for sites of 50 hectares and identified what the BLV would need to be to secure a loan at 60% LTV.
The outputs from this modelling exercise, which are to illustrate a concept, not to set what should be used for a BLV in any given area, show the BLV as a multiple of EUV (assumed to be £20,000 per hectare in all cases) for each driver of the BLV are shown in Figure 2 below.
Figure 2
In theory, for a site to successfully come forward, one would assume that the BLV would need to be the highest of the three drivers of land value in any reasonable scenario for a site (either what justifies the promotion cost, secures an adequate return for the landowner after CGT to incentivise them releasing their asset, or to fund upfront infrastructure) as otherwise the site/project would not be either promoted, released or funded. In some of our notional scenarios for the smaller site examples, the combination of promotion return and what a willing landowner would require after CGT would suggest these sites would not in fact come forward, which probably goes some way to explain why there is a paucity of smaller sites allocated and coming forward, and why streamlining and de-risking planning for small sites is so important, particularly for SMEs.
The cost and value factors shaping the different elements of this calculation will clearly vary between sites, but setting a BLV to inform planning policy needs to account for a representative mix of sites on which an area will sensibly rely to meet its housing needs. In this regard, our analysis of typologies shows that the different factors will typically suggest BLVs at least to the middle or upper end of the 10-40 times EUV range identified earlier and nothing remotely supports the idea of setting BLV at the lower end, let alone at just three times EUV. Even before considering landowner expectations, promotion costs are a very high proportion of the total costs for small sites, whilst up-front infrastructure can require significant collateral for larger sites. A crude average across our different drivers and the low and high bookends equates to a BLV of between 23 and 30, but it is obvious that circumstances could accumulate on a site to require a higher level.
Summary and conclusions
Drawing from the preceding analysis, the following conclusions emerge:
It is unlikely that 50% affordable housing will be viable in most Green Belt LPAs under the current approach to viability. Although some locations - such as those with residential values of £4,000 or more per square metre (equivalent to 41% of the Green Belt) – might see 50% as being achievable on some sites, this will be the exception (particularly outside the South East – see Figure 1) and explains why the majority of LPAs even in the most prosperous markets set affordable housing requirements in local plans at no more than 40%. Although having an affordable housing premium for Green Belt is politically understandable, setting a flat national target at 50% is likely to mean viability testing is required on the majority of Green Belt and Grey Belt sites that might come forward, adding cost and uncertainty, especially for any applications or allocations that were made under existing (to be previous) NPPF policy.
Given the above, applying the proposed new approach immediately on adoption of the new NPPF would catch a number of live sites/applications where landowners, promoters and housebuilders agreed commercial terms in good faith based on current Local Plan affordable housing targets, and undermine their ability to come forward.
It would appear imprudent to set a national BLV for Green Belt sites, especially at the lower end of the 10-40 times EUV range, given the multiplicity of different factors influencing this value across different locations. Setting it nationally at a high level might mean it over-estimates the BLV in some places and sees less value capture. The Harman Review made clear that BLV was influenced by local factors, and this is reflected in the current PPG guidance on how LPAs should determine viability for their local plans, setting BLV locally in consultation with landowners, developers and other stakeholders.
There is no evidence to support the idea that reducing BLVs for Green Belt land below what would result from the approach generated by current PPG guidance to other comparable local land would be consistent with delivery. As it stands, in many areas it would not be willingly made available by landowners, be promoted, or produce fundable schemes at any scale if a lower BLVs are imposed for these reasons:
a) Landowners are often reluctant sellers and take a long-term view which informs the value they demand. They will have in mind what their land is worth, taking into account that although Green Belt is a restrictive policy, there has been a persistent flow of Green Belt land developed over past decades. In most cases, they will have to pay capital gains tax at 24% on any net receipts they receive after promotion costs are deducted, and there is speculation this may increase to 45%. Set the BLV too low and it will simply not be worthwhile for many owners causing a ‘land strike’.
b) Land promotion is a necessary part of the planning system and it relies on the private sector investing in the lengthy and expensive process, spreading the risk across a portfolio of sites, reflecting that an implementable permission may or may not transpire, dependent on whether i) land is allocated in a plan (which may or may not be produced) and/or ii) a costly application is approved or refused by LPA. Taking into account the costs and risk, it is easy to see how land values may need to absorb costs of £100,000 or more per ha before the landowner’s return and require BLVs that are 40 times EUV. An examination of why land promotion activity requires the rate of return it does, needs to look beyond simple planning approval rates at application or appeal, and consider the time it takes, and the extent to which much promotion activity does not even make it to the application stage.
c) Developments require up-front funding at anything between £2,500 to £20,000 per dwelling (depending on the site, its size, location, abnormals etc) to deliver infrastructure that services plots for building homes. The land value is often used as collateral to support loans at a 60% LTV to unlock the sites before income from house sales is forthcoming. Our modelling suggests this factor alone requires a BLV of up to 38 times EUV on sites of 5ha or more.
Although there is a theoretical role for the public sector to acquire sites – including through CPO – and then fund up-front infrastructure, this is not a feasible solution for bringing Green Belt land forward at necessary scale or timeframes, because:
a) The Government’s goal of 1.5m homes by July 2029 is fundamentally dependent on sites being promoted ahead of local plans, often in areas where LPAs are at best ambivalent (and often hostile) to Green Belt development in the first place;
b) It is simply inconceivable that the 180 LPAs with Green Belt across England or Homes England will – in the next five years – have either the resources or inclination to speculatively invest in acquiring multiple sites at EUV and then preparing and submitting multiple applications at any scale, particularly in areas where local residents are hostile to the idea of Green Belt development;
c) Even through the local plan process - which might be relied upon for sites that deliver in the next parliament - the legal and policy obligations on plan makers rely on scores of alternative site options being available to support the testing of reasonable alternatives and for evidence to be available that demonstrates the ultimate deliverability of prospective allocations. This promotion activity – with all its costs – applies to every local plan cycle.
d) There is not sufficient funding resources or administrative bandwidth – currently identified – for Government (itself, via Homes England, or through LPAs) to up-front fund (or under-write) infrastructure investment at the scale required to bring forward new homes on multiple sites in every LPA.
This is not to diminish the prospect of the public sector unlocking specific large-scale new communities or unblocking stalled sites of strategic significance - through funding, CPO or good old-fashioned bashing together of heads - and this will have an important role. But the idea the state would in the future become the predominant promoter and deliverer of residential land is simply not plausible even were it considered desirable.
Recommendation
Based on the above, it is recommended that:
Any Green Belt site should apply the same affordable housing policy requirement as the existing/emerging Local Plan requirement that would apply on any greenfield site as there is no real-world difference between the sites that would impact on its viability.
If an affordable housing premium for Green Belt is to be maintained (and the political rational is understandable), this should be set in national policy at a level linked to the existing local percentage requirement from the most recent Local Plan, for example at five or ten percentage points above.
Viability assessments, where necessary, should be carried out based on the current approach to viability in the existing PPG including locally-set BLVs.
To ensure the new policy does not disrupt the flow of existing Green Belt sites, a transition arrangement should apply to exempt from any new ‘golden rules’:
a) current planning applications submitted within a month of the publication of the new NPPF to allow for schemes that are currently submitted or were formulated (and commercial agreements formed) pursuant to existing national policy proceed; and
b) applications submitted at any point on land that was allocated for development having been removed from the Green Belt in a local plan prepared pursuant to the existing NPPF.
Footnotes
[1] The other ‘Golden Rules’ identified in b) and c) of para 55 of the proposed Framework requiring “necessary improvements to local or national infrastructure and the provision of new, or improvements to existing green spaces” are unlikely to represent a significant change from what would be necessary in any event.
[2] The Planning Practice Guidance on viability already states “ The price paid for land is not a relevant justification for failing to accord with relevant policies in the plan” and “under no circumstances will the price paid for land be a relevant justification for failing to accord with relevant policies in the plan.”. See at ID: 10-002-20190509 and ID: 10-006-20190509. Late stage reviews are already part of the planning firmament, see PPG ID: 10-009-20190509 and of course in London (they are not without complications, not least in terms of extending the time it takes to agree s.106 agreements).
[3]Due to the absence of Local Plans that provide for anything close to the higher levels of local housing need.
[4] This is explicitly recognised by the proposed changes to the NPPF at para 152 with triggers for the development of ‘Grey Belt’ land.
[5] In St Albans – which has some of the highest house prices outside London – the evidence-based requirement is 40%.
[6] Prepared pursuant to an instruction from the Home Builders Federation (HBF) and the Land, Planning and Development Federation (LPDF)
[14] See this piece in the Times (£) which says “Capital gains tax (CGT) is paid on the profits made from the sale of property (other than your main home), businesses, shares and most possessions worth more than £6,000. Basic-rate taxpayers pay 10 per cent CGT on most gains, but 18 per cent on property. Higher and additional-rate taxpayers pay 20 per cent CGT but 24 per cent on property gains. There is widespread speculation that Reeves could increase the rates so that they match up with income tax, which would mean 45 per cent for additional-rate payers.”
[15] Lichfields, Small builders, big burdens, September 2023 available here
[16] See this analysis by Henley Business School at Reading University
[18] See para 4.30 of the CMA Housebuilding Study Final Report here. These costs exclude internal staffing costs and the work ahead of a planning application, including promotion through the Local Plan process. We assume they also exclude appeal costs.
[19] Whilst an appellant can sometimes seek and secure an award of costs where an Inspector judges the LPA’s behaviour unreasonable, this is rare.
[20] See Knight Frank analysis here. It has been a valuable source of information for the analysis in this paper.
[21] Homes England’s role is to support release of housing land in a more targeted way and/or through strategic partnerships, not to oversee the promotion of all potential housing land.
[22] See analysis here of the challenge facing the Government in achieving 1.5m homes in this parliament.
[23] A figure validated by Lichfields discussions with specialist land promoters.
[25] Current pressures in the Registered Provider sector are likely to make this more rather than less challenging
[26] The three-times EUV referenced in the Bramley paper is not a remotely credible proposition for greenfield land.
[27] As a broad indication of the scale of the challenge, one might reasonably assume that land sufficient for 75,000+ homes is needed on Green Belt land each year, equivalent to perhaps 1,000-1,500 individual active developments each year (delivering 50-75dw per year), which across 180 LPAs with Green Belt land means the equivalent of perhaps 5 – 8 projects in each LPA every year. Given the ambivalence of many planning committees to Green Belt sites, this would require more than 5 - 8 applications being submitted every year as some might be refused. The total up front cost of promotion would be significant.